Dear Mrs. Fajon, dear ladies and gentlemen,
Thank you for inviting me to speak at the Bled Strategic Forum and for the award you have chosen to give me. It is a great honor. But even more importantly, it is a fantastic opportunity to address such a distinguished audience—a great chance to deliver my speech to a large group of people who are at the heart of strategic decision-making.
The events of the last few years have been unfolding at an alarming pace, and the world around us is changing so rapidly that you are constantly having to make numerous tactical decisions. You are here in this hall because you excel at this; you are the best in your countries at handling these challenges. Your voters have entrusted you with managing the never-ending challenges of today’s world: wars, epidemics, climate issues, the economy, and migration.
However, I would like to talk not about tactics, but about strategy—especially since we are gathered here today at a strategic forum. And, of course, as a politician and a citizen of Russia, I want to talk about Russia.
Alexei, my husband, who was killed by Putin six months ago, often used to say, "Never lose sight of the bigger picture." He had a unique ability to see the bigger picture, to create a vision for the future many years ahead, and to present it in a way that was understandable to everyone, inspiring others with this idea. Thus, his vision of "The Beautiful Russia of the Future" was born—a democratic, peaceful, European country that will, without doubt, succeed Putin's regime.
But how do we get to this future? Where will it come from? I’d like to ask you a simple question: What is the European Union's strategy for Russia? Not its current set of measures—sanctions, restrictions, regulations, etc.—but its strategy. How does it sound? Is it short, clear, and future-oriented? Can it be defined in three or four sentences? It seems to me that such a strategy does not currently exist. I believe this is a major problem.
There is a certain line of action, for example, regarding the imposition of sanctions. Governments of different countries impose various sanctions on Russia—both personal and sectoral, as well as against ordinary citizens. At the same time, no one has a clear understanding of why they are being imposed, what their ultimate goal is, or how they affect the speed at which Putin’s regime will collapse. Indeed, how can anyone understand this if there is no big picture to measure it against? Without a strategy, it’s impossible to make sensible tactical decisions. A strategy provides the framework needed to evaluate the effectiveness of each current decision.
For example, consider Europe’s commitment to green energy. This strategic decision was made quite some time ago. Obviously, there are tactical disagreements among the 27 countries, which is perfectly normal and unavoidable. However, despite these disagreements, no one questions the fundamental principles of the strategy. No one suggests demolishing all the wind turbines and returning to coal and fuel oil. European countries are each pursuing green energy at their own pace and in their own way, but they are all moving in the same direction within the framework of the overall strategy.
So, what about the debates on Russia? We can easily find those who openly argue that we should give Putin everything he wants, make peace on his terms, and return to "business as usual," including buying oil and gas. However, no one can explain why Putin would stand by any agreements or what to do when he ignores them and resumes the war after taking a break.
We can also easily find those who claim that all Russians truly support Putin. But they can’t explain why the number of political prisoners in Russia is rising daily or why the number of Russian emigrants abroad continues to increase. And none of them talk about how to support those Russians who oppose the war or how to win over the doubters.
Finally, there are those who advocate for the urgent "decolonization" of Russia, arguing to split our vast country into several smaller, safer states. However, these “decolonizers” can’t explain why people with shared backgrounds and culture should be artificially divided. Nor do they say how this process should even take place.
We see a wide range of opinions, but we don’t see a strategy. Of course, it's very difficult to reach a compromise from such diverse positions. But reaching a compromise is the job of politicians.
No matter what Europe's future holds, Russia will be part of it. No matter what Russia's future holds, it will be linked to Europe's future.
We can't close our eyes and make Russia disappear—fortunately. We can’t close our eyes and make Putin’s regime disappear—unfortunately. So, we need to develop a plan and follow it accordingly.
And, of course, a strategy for Russia cannot be developed without Russia. It must include the part of Russian civil society that opposes Putin—Russians who have been working on the basis of democratic, European principles throughout Putin's rule. Russians who protest against the war, who fight against Putin’s dictatorship, risking their freedom and their lives.
In recent months, I’ve had many meetings with a wide range of high-level politicians. At every meeting, I am asked, "How can we help?" Well, here’s my answer: Let's work together to develop a strategy and start implementing it.
If you ask me how it might sound, here is my answer: Russia can and should become a democratic European country within its internationally recognized borders. This won't happen while power is usurped by Putin and his criminal regime. So, together with Russian civil society, we will fight to remove this obstacle to peace and freedom.
Sounds simple, doesn’t it? Well, a strategy shouldn’t sound complicated. It should be clear. It should provide clarity on what to do and what not to do:
— Support Russian civil society, Russian independent media, Russian human rights defenders, and any Russian horizontal structures? Yes, that aligns with the strategy.
— Support those who promote hatred of Russians? No, that doesn’t align with the strategy.
— Make a distinction between Putin and Russia? Yes, that aligns with the strategy.
— Negotiate with Putin as if he were a legitimate, democratically elected president of Russia? No, that doesn’t align with the strategy.
— Support Ukraine in exercising its right to defend itself? Yes, that aligns with the strategy.
— Threaten to divide Russia into many parts, playing into the hands of Putin's propaganda? No, that doesn’t align with the strategy.
We need to find a compromise on an important issue: What kind of Russia do we want to see after Putin? Once we agree on this, it will be easier to make tactical decisions. Each decision will be more effective, and the future we are working towards will arrive much sooner.
Let’s do this together.
Thank you!