This week we finalised our list of Vladimir Putin&#39;s proxies for the 2024 election. It was a lot of work, for the help in which we are grateful to the volunteers of Navalny&#39;s Headquarters. Each of the dictator&#39;s proxies has received an individualised description. In addition, we collected evidence of their many ties to the regime in the present and the past. We plan to continue this work for the Top 200 lists, which contain the names of those who should be sanctioned as a priority.&nbsp; We plan to give each person on these lists a fuller and more personalised description of the grounds for inclusion on the 6000 list. In parallel, we will gather evidence for the imposition of restrictive measures against them and links to open sources of information.

If you have information about inaccuracies in our &lsquo;6000 list&rsquo; or believe someone is or is not included there in error, email us at <a href="mailto:info@acf.international">info@acf.international</a>.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_10.05.2024.pdf">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/">&quot;Sanctions Tracker&quot;</a> service.

&nbsp;

This week we finalised our list of Vladimir Putin's proxies for the 2024 election. It was a lot of work, for the help in which we are grateful to the volunteers of Navalny's Headquarters. Each of the dictator's proxies has received an individualised description. In addition, we collected evidence of their many ties to the regime in the present and the past. We plan to continue this work for the Top 200 lists, which contain the names of those who should be sanctioned as a priority.  We plan to give each person on these lists a fuller and more personalised description of the grounds for inclusion on the 6000 list. In parallel, we will gather evidence for the imposition of restrictive measures against them and links to open sources of information.

If you have information about inaccuracies in our ‘6000 list’ or believe someone is or is not included there in error, email us at <a href="mailto:info@acf.international" target="_blank">info@acf.international</a>.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_10.05.2024.pdf" target="_blank">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/" target="_blank">"Sanctions Tracker"</a> service.

This week we finalised our list of Vladimir Putin's proxies for the 2024 election.

Prioritisation of Top 200 lists

In anticipation of Vladimir Putin&#39;s inauguration, the Anti-Corruption Foundation <a href="https://navalny.com/p/6675/">published</a> videos and photos of the interiors of his palace near Gelendzhik. The hidden camera captured the akvadiskoteka (aqua disco hall), Putin&#39;s private pool, luxurious halls, his office, and a chapel with a real imperial throne.

<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="360" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TL0dSaqhfVs" width="640"></iframe>

In 2021, the Anti-Corruption Foundation published an investigation about a huge palace built for Putin near Gelendzhik. Around 100 billion rubles were spent on its construction. Putin, of course, denied that the palace belonged to him. And his friend, oligarch Arkady Rotenberg, claimed that it was his building and that he planned to open an apartment hotel there after renovations. The renovation was completed, but there is no hotel.

<img alt="" src="/media/news/2024/05/10/uwanvw.jpg" style="width: 1000px; height: 563px;" />

Videos and building plans clearly show that it&#39;s not a hotel but a private palace. The video, captured by a hidden camera, shows the famous akvadiskoteka, a pool, an outdoor alley with pseudo-antique statues, a Jacuzzi, a massage room, halls with military paintings, elite furniture, and chandeliers. One such chandelier costs 50 million rubles.

<img alt="" src="/media/news/2024/05/10/cukvzx.jpg" style="width: 1000px; height: 597px;" />

The &quot;Project&quot; media <a href="https://www.proekt.media/guide/dvoretz-putina-v-gelendzhike/">published</a> the working documentation of the construction company &quot;Velesstroy,&quot; which reconstructed the palace. The builders practically didn&#39;t change anything in the room plans and only gave them new names. Bedrooms were renamed apartments, the music room and reading room were called the lobby, and the dining room was labeled as a restaurant.

In the original blueprint of &quot;Putin&#39;s palace,&quot; there was a room designated for arcade games. However, it has since been replaced by a chapel housing a triptych featuring icons of the Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ, and Saint Vladimir. Additionally, there&#39;s a pew &mdash; essentially a throne for Putin. Historically, such thrones belonged to kings and were referred to as the royal seat.

<img alt="" src="/media/news/2024/05/10/qpqied.jpg" style="width: 1000px; height: 603px;" />

Funding for the construction and upkeep of the palace continues to come from state-owned companies, disguised as nonexistent services. For instance, &quot;Transneft,&quot; led by Putin&#39;s associate Nikolai Tokarev, leases certain non-residential areas within the palace and annually allocates 660 million rubles for this purpose.

Towards the end of the investigation, attention is drawn to a construction trailer featuring a communal restroom for workers involved in the palace&#39;s construction. There are so many inscriptions on the walls, and one of them says &quot;Alexei, you were right!&quot;

&nbsp;

In anticipation of Vladimir Putin's inauguration, the Anti-Corruption Foundation <a href="https://navalny.com/p/6675/" target="_blank">published</a> videos and photos of the interiors of his palace near Gelendzhik. The hidden camera captured the akvadiskoteka (aqua disco hall), Putin's private pool, luxurious halls, his office, and a chapel with a real imperial throne.

In 2021, the Anti-Corruption Foundation published an investigation about a huge palace built for Putin near Gelendzhik. Around 100 billion rubles were spent on its construction. Putin, of course, denied that the palace belonged to him. And his friend, oligarch Arkady Rotenberg, claimed that it was his building and that he planned to open an apartment hotel there after renovations. The renovation was completed, but there is no hotel.

Videos and building plans clearly show that it's not a hotel but a private palace. The video, captured by a hidden camera, shows the famous akvadiskoteka, a pool, an outdoor alley with pseudo-antique statues, a Jacuzzi, a massage room, halls with military paintings, elite furniture, and chandeliers. One such chandelier costs 50 million rubles.

The "Project" media <a href="https://www.proekt.media/guide/dvoretz-putina-v-gelendzhike/" target="_blank">published</a> the working documentation of the construction company "Velesstroy," which reconstructed the palace. The builders practically didn't change anything in the room plans and only gave them new names. Bedrooms were renamed apartments, the music room and reading room were called the lobby, and the dining room was labeled as a restaurant.

In the original blueprint of "Putin's palace," there was a room designated for arcade games. However, it has since been replaced by a chapel housing a triptych featuring icons of the Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ, and Saint Vladimir. Additionally, there's a pew — essentially a throne for Putin. Historically, such thrones belonged to kings and were referred to as the royal seat.

Funding for the construction and upkeep of the palace continues to come from state-owned companies, disguised as nonexistent services. For instance, "Transneft," led by Putin's associate Nikolai Tokarev, leases certain non-residential areas within the palace and annually allocates 660 million rubles for this purpose.

Towards the end of the investigation, attention is drawn to a construction trailer featuring a communal restroom for workers involved in the palace's construction. There are so many inscriptions on the walls, and one of them says "Alexei, you were right!"

In anticipation of Vladimir Putin's inauguration, the Anti-Corruption Foundation published videos and photos of the interiors of his palace near Gelendzhik.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation has shown what Putin's palace looks like now.

This week&#39;s update provides a more detailed and individualized description of the reasons for inclusion in the 6000 list for some oligarchs, investigation subjects and key regime collaborators. We will continue to adhere to this direction of work in the future.

In addition, we continue to work on enriching the list of Vladimir Putin&rsquo;s proxies with data and plan to complete it by the next update. We have also made some clarifications to keep the 6000 list up to date.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_26.04.2024.pdf">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/">&quot;Sanctions Tracker&quot;</a> service.

&nbsp;

This week's update provides a more detailed and individualized description of the reasons for inclusion in the 6000 list for some oligarchs, investigation subjects and key regime collaborators. We will continue to adhere to this direction of work in the future.

In addition, we continue to work on enriching the list of Vladimir Putin’s proxies with data and plan to complete it by the next update. We have also made some clarifications to keep the 6000 list up to date.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_26.04.2024.pdf" target="_blank">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/" target="_blank">"Sanctions Tracker"</a> service.

This week's update provides a more detailed and individualized description of the reasons for inclusion in the 6000 list.

Work on the quality of grounds for inclusion in the 6000 list

We continue to update the list of Vladimir Putin&#39;s authorized representatives, and we have made some improvements to keep the 6,000 List up to date.

If you have any information about inaccuracies in our 6,000 List or believe that someone is or is not included there by mistake, please contact us at <a href="mailto:info@acf.international">info@acf.international</a>.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_12.04.2024.pdf">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/">&quot;Sanctions Tracker&quot; service</a>.

&nbsp;

We continue to update the list of Vladimir Putin's authorized representatives, and we have made some improvements to keep the 6,000 List up to date.

If you have any information about inaccuracies in our 6,000 List or believe that someone is or is not included there by mistake, please contact us at <a href="mailto:info@acf.international" target="_blank">info@acf.international</a>.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_12.04.2024.pdf" target="_blank">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/" target="_blank">"Sanctions Tracker" service</a>.

We continue to update the list of Vladimir Putin's authorized representatives

A week of routine work

Putin&#39;s allies aided him in constructing a nation devoid of the rule of law and safeguards for property rights. However, this leaves their own ill-gotten gains constantly vulnerable to seizure. Thus, a deeply ingrained aspect of Russian corruption involves transferring stolen assets to figurehead owners, with close family members being highly favored for this role. Additionally, the pressure of sanctions compels a more meticulous concealment of corrupt funds.

This week, we&#39;ve included relatives of prominent Russian corrupt figures on our 6,000 List. Actions must be taken against nominal owners aiding criminals in circumventing sanctions. We&#39;re committed to continuing our scrutiny of this group, adding them to our list as credible information about the transfer of corrupt assets comes to light.

In addition, we continue to update the list of Vladimir Putin&#39;s authorized representatives, and we have made some improvements to keep the 6,000 List up to date.

If you have any information about inaccuracies in our 6,000 List or believe that someone is or is not included there by mistake, please contact us at <a href="mailto:info@acf.international">info@acf.international</a>.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_29.03.2024.pdf">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/">&quot;Sanctions Tracker&quot;</a> service.

&nbsp;

Putin's allies aided him in constructing a nation devoid of the rule of law and safeguards for property rights. However, this leaves their own ill-gotten gains constantly vulnerable to seizure. Thus, a deeply ingrained aspect of Russian corruption involves transferring stolen assets to figurehead owners, with close family members being highly favored for this role. Additionally, the pressure of sanctions compels a more meticulous concealment of corrupt funds.

This week, we've included relatives of prominent Russian corrupt figures on our 6,000 List. Actions must be taken against nominal owners aiding criminals in circumventing sanctions. We're committed to continuing our scrutiny of this group, adding them to our list as credible information about the transfer of corrupt assets comes to light.

In addition, we continue to update the list of Vladimir Putin's authorized representatives, and we have made some improvements to keep the 6,000 List up to date.

Any changes that have been made to the 6,000 List since the last update can be viewed <a href="https://acf.international/media/Changes_from_29.03.2024.pdf" target="_blank">here</a>. We would also like to remind you that searching the list has become even more convenient with the <a href="https://sanctions.acf.international/" target="_blank">"Sanctions Tracker"</a> service.

This week, we've included relatives of prominent Russian corrupt figures on our 6,000 List. Actions must be taken against nominal owners aiding criminals in circumventing sanctions.

Nominal owners of corrupt assets are on the ACF 6,000 List

In discussions at the U.S. Congress, strategies to combat Vladimir Putin&#39;s corrupt regime were explored, with a focus on involving Russian journalists and civil society representatives. Senators singled out the Anti-Corruption Foundation as the key informant on abuses in Russia. This matter was <a href="https://www.senate.gov/isvp/?auto_play=false&amp;comm=foreign&amp;filename=foreign032124p&amp;poster=https://www.foreign.senate.gov/assets/images/video-poster.png&amp;stt=null">deliberated</a> during sessions of the U.S. Committee on Implementing Anti-Corruption Strategy.

Senator Ben Cardin, opening the hearings, <a href="https://www.foreign.senate.gov/press/dem/release/chair-cardin-opening-statement-at-hearing-on-us-anti-corruption-strategy">emphasized</a> that corruption undermines the foundation of the rule of law, amplifies the authority of dictators, and poses a global threat to people&#39;s safety. As an illustration, he referenced Putin&#39;s palace, which was brought to light by Alexei Navalny.

<blockquote>
&ldquo;From Putin&rsquo;s 1.3 billion dollar Russian palace with a wine cave, an indoor hockey rink, and golden toilet brushes &mdash; that&rsquo;s pretty good for a career public servant &mdash; this has been documented by Alexei Navalny&rsquo;s Anti-Corruption Foundation,&rdquo; Cardin said.
</blockquote>

At the meeting, representatives introduced a <a href="https://acf.international/news/fbk-predlozhil-senatu-ssha">statement</a> from the Anti-Corruption Foundation, suggesting increased engagement by U.S. government agencies with Russian journalists and civil society groups engaged in anti-corruption efforts. The Foundation is prepared to share its knowledge and expertise for this purpose. Ben Cardin praised our foundation as the foremost source of information on corruption in Putin&#39;s Russia and committed to using this information actively.

Senator Jim Risch <a href="https://www.foreign.senate.gov/press/rep/release/ranking-member-risch-opening-statement-at-hearing-on-us-anti-corruption-strategy">highlighted</a> the role of corruption as a critical instrument in Russia and China&#39;s detrimental international influence. He pointed out that the Putin regime utilizes corruption to circumvent sanctions and maintain its military capabilities.

<blockquote>
&ldquo;With Russia, we must work with groups like Alexei Navalny&rsquo;s Anti-Corruption Foundation to map, expose, and sanction those who are stealing from the Russian people and working to undermine Ukraine. We must also work more closely with Russia&rsquo;s neighbors to help them unwind the corrupt networks that both smuggle in sanctioned goods and undermine local governance,&rdquo; Jim Risch said.
</blockquote>

&nbsp;

In discussions at the U.S. Congress, strategies to combat Vladimir Putin's corrupt regime were explored, with a focus on involving Russian journalists and civil society representatives. Senators singled out the Anti-Corruption Foundation as the key informant on abuses in Russia. This matter was <a href="https://www.senate.gov/isvp/?auto_play=false&amp;comm=foreign&amp;filename=foreign032124p&amp;poster=https://www.foreign.senate.gov/assets/images/video-poster.png&amp;stt=null" target="_blank">deliberated</a> during sessions of the U.S. Committee on Implementing Anti-Corruption Strategy.

Senator Ben Cardin, opening the hearings, <a href="https://www.foreign.senate.gov/press/dem/release/chair-cardin-opening-statement-at-hearing-on-us-anti-corruption-strategy" target="_blank">emphasized</a> that corruption undermines the foundation of the rule of law, amplifies the authority of dictators, and poses a global threat to people's safety. As an illustration, he referenced Putin's palace, which was brought to light by Alexei Navalny.

At the meeting, representatives introduced a <a href="https://acf.international/news/fbk-predlozhil-senatu-ssha" target="_blank">statement</a> from the Anti-Corruption Foundation, suggesting increased engagement by U.S. government agencies with Russian journalists and civil society groups engaged in anti-corruption efforts. The Foundation is prepared to share its knowledge and expertise for this purpose. Ben Cardin praised our foundation as the foremost source of information on corruption in Putin's Russia and committed to using this information actively.

Senator Jim Risch <a href="https://www.foreign.senate.gov/press/rep/release/ranking-member-risch-opening-statement-at-hearing-on-us-anti-corruption-strategy" target="_blank">highlighted</a> the role of corruption as a critical instrument in Russia and China's detrimental international influence. He pointed out that the Putin regime utilizes corruption to circumvent sanctions and maintain its military capabilities.

The U.S. Committee on Anti-Corruption Strategy called for joint efforts with Russian journalists and representatives of civil society.

In the U.S. Congress, there was a discussion about collaborating with the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) to counteract the Putin regime's corruption system.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation suggests that the U.S. Senate establish a task force dedicated to examining journalistic and public inquiries into sanctions evasion. The findings of this group should then be forwarded to the appropriate authorities for formal investigation. Collaboration with representatives of Russian civil society is essential for the effective operation of such a task force.

We&#39;ve dispatched this and other proposals outlining an anti-corruption strategy to the U.S. Senate. Here&#39;s a summary of our proposal:

Yulia Navalnaya <a href="https://acf.international/news/yuliya-navalnaya-prizvala-deputatov-evroparlamenta">highlighted</a> that Putin should not be viewed merely as a politician, but rather as the head of a mafia group. Similar to the workings of such groups, Putin&#39;s power structure relies on personal connections, reciprocal favors, and unofficial commitments. Consequently, anyone who benefited significantly from the regime ought to be considered as a potential agent of the regime. This encompasses not only high-ranking officials and oligarchs, whose assets are inherently intertwined with the state but also their family members and proxies.

Even if they are outside of Russia, individuals remain subject to the regime&#39;s influence, as it can exert control over them at any given moment, reminding them of the importance of their allegiances. Thus, they function as agents, advancing their interests on the global stage.

Membership in a mafia group loses its allure when members realize they cannot safeguard their families and ill-gotten gains outside of Russia. This underscores the potency of personal sanctions, which should target not only Putin&#39;s inner circle but also the intermediary stratum of the elite. They must comprehend that they face a choice between serving Putin and securing their future after his death.

We emphasized to the senators the importance of not disregarding supporters of the Russian regime within international organizations, even if they seem disconnected from politics at first glance. One example is the International Olympic Committee, where the Russian athlete <a href="https://acf.international/news/isinbaeva">Yelena Isinbayeva</a> is involved. These individuals have supported Putin&#39;s regime for years, and despite the outbreak of the war, they persistently maintain their positions, continuing to wield influence behind the scenes.

A corrupt regime relies heavily on a steady stream of income. Its survival is intricately linked to the export of raw materials. Disrupting these revenue streams not only undermines the regime&#39;s capacity to secure loyalty and expand its web of corruption but also impedes Russia&#39;s capability to wage war.

The effort to impose sanctions must persist and be conducted in collaboration with civil society. Media outlets, investigative journalists, and non-governmental organizations diligently investigate open sources for any indications of sanctions evasion. Even when their evidence may be incomplete, they can still identify paths for further investigation utilizing techniques typically available only to state entities. Establishing a task force to evaluate investigation outcomes and guide subsequent state-level inquiries would be beneficial. The Anti-Corruption Foundation stands prepared to contribute its expertise in this domain.

&nbsp;

The Anti-Corruption Foundation suggests that the U.S. Senate establish a task force dedicated to examining journalistic and public inquiries into sanctions evasion. The findings of this group should then be forwarded to the appropriate authorities for formal investigation. Collaboration with representatives of Russian civil society is essential for the effective operation of such a task force.

We've dispatched this and other proposals outlining an anti-corruption strategy to the U.S. Senate. Here's a summary of our proposal:

Yulia Navalnaya <a href="https://acf.international/news/yuliya-navalnaya-prizvala-deputatov-evroparlamenta" target="_blank">highlighted</a> that Putin should not be viewed merely as a politician, but rather as the head of a mafia group. Similar to the workings of such groups, Putin's power structure relies on personal connections, reciprocal favors, and unofficial commitments. Consequently, anyone who benefited significantly from the regime ought to be considered as a potential agent of the regime. This encompasses not only high-ranking officials and oligarchs, whose assets are inherently intertwined with the state but also their family members and proxies.

Even if they are outside of Russia, individuals remain subject to the regime's influence, as it can exert control over them at any given moment, reminding them of the importance of their allegiances. Thus, they function as agents, advancing their interests on the global stage.

Membership in a mafia group loses its allure when members realize they cannot safeguard their families and ill-gotten gains outside of Russia. This underscores the potency of personal sanctions, which should target not only Putin's inner circle but also the intermediary stratum of the elite. They must comprehend that they face a choice between serving Putin and securing their future after his death.

We emphasized to the senators the importance of not disregarding supporters of the Russian regime within international organizations, even if they seem disconnected from politics at first glance. One example is the International Olympic Committee, where the Russian athlete <a href="https://acf.international/news/isinbaeva" target="_blank">Yelena Isinbayeva</a> is involved. These individuals have supported Putin's regime for years, and despite the outbreak of the war, they persistently maintain their positions, continuing to wield influence behind the scenes.

A corrupt regime relies heavily on a steady stream of income. Its survival is intricately linked to the export of raw materials. Disrupting these revenue streams not only undermines the regime's capacity to secure loyalty and expand its web of corruption but also impedes Russia's capability to wage war.

The effort to impose sanctions must persist and be conducted in collaboration with civil society. Media outlets, investigative journalists, and non-governmental organizations diligently investigate open sources for any indications of sanctions evasion. Even when their evidence may be incomplete, they can still identify paths for further investigation utilizing techniques typically available only to state entities. Establishing a task force to evaluate investigation outcomes and guide subsequent state-level inquiries would be beneficial. The Anti-Corruption Foundation stands prepared to contribute its expertise in this domain.

We have sent our proposal for the development of anti-corruption policies to U.S. Senators

ACF proposed the U.S. Senate to investigate how Putin's agents avoid sanctions

Putin&#39;s daughter Maria Vorontsova received 944 million rubles in three years as an employee and shareholder of the New Medical Company. The only customer of this firm is SOGAZ Medicine, which belongs to Putin&#39;s friend. This is stated in the ACF investigation.

<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="360" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TIb5BZ1d9-g" width="640"></iframe>

She is an endocrinologist. This occupation brings her about 200,000 rubles a month. This is her official salary at the Moscow State University, the Russian Association of Endocrinologists, and the National Medical Research Center for Endocrinology of the Ministry of Health.&nbsp;

Her husband, Yevgeny Nagorny, works for Novatek, a company owned by Putin&#39;s friend Gennady Timchenko. His official salary is quite substantial - about 760,000 roubles a month. But even such a salary would not be enough for the young family to buy a 230-meter penthouse in the Barkli Gallery, one of the most expensive buildings in Moscow.

<img alt="" src="https://acf.international/acf-media/news/2024/02/08/8be56a3d9eba3956bbc1c39be0c0cfef_XvzSWRa.jpg" style="width: 1000px; height: 750px;" />

Vorontsova&#39;s present wealth is earned as a member of the board of directors of Nomeko, a company she founded in 2019. The company&#39;s website states that it deals with innovative technologies in medicine. The company has only five employees, but it earns hundreds of millions of rubles. In 2020, the company&#39;s net profit was 600 million rubles, in 2021 - 810 million rubles, and in 2022 - 855 million rubles. Vorontsova&#39;s salary in the company is 700 thousand rubles a month. In 2020, as a shareholder, she received 232 million rubles of dividends. Dividends in 2021 and 2022 were not revealed. But based on the profit data, Putin&#39;s daughter received 944 million rubles in the company in three years - in the form of salary and dividends.

Nomeko received all of its money from the SOGAZ Medicine clinic for some &quot;services in information modeling of project implementation.&quot; In the past, the clinic was owned by Yuri Kovalchuk, Putin&#39;s closest associate. Now it is under the control of Nomeko&#39;s own employees.

Putin's daughter Maria Vorontsova received 944 million rubles in three years as an employee and shareholder of the New Medical Company. The only customer of this firm is SOGAZ Medicine, which belongs to Putin's friend. This is stated in the ACF investigation.

She is an endocrinologist. This occupation brings her about 200,000 rubles a month. This is her official salary at the Moscow State University, the Russian Association of Endocrinologists, and the National Medical Research Center for Endocrinology of the Ministry of Health. 

Her husband, Yevgeny Nagorny, works for Novatek, a company owned by Putin's friend Gennady Timchenko. His official salary is quite substantial - about 760,000 roubles a month. But even such a salary would not be enough for the young family to buy a 230-meter penthouse in the Barkli Gallery, one of the most expensive buildings in Moscow.

Vorontsova's present wealth is earned as a member of the board of directors of Nomeko, a company she founded in 2019. The company's website states that it deals with innovative technologies in medicine. The company has only five employees, but it earns hundreds of millions of rubles. In 2020, the company's net profit was 600 million rubles, in 2021 - 810 million rubles, and in 2022 - 855 million rubles. Vorontsova's salary in the company is 700 thousand rubles a month. In 2020, as a shareholder, she received 232 million rubles of dividends. Dividends in 2021 and 2022 were not revealed. But based on the profit data, Putin's daughter received 944 million rubles in the company in three years - in the form of salary and dividends.

Nomeko received all of its money from the SOGAZ Medicine clinic for some "services in information modeling of project implementation." In the past, the clinic was owned by Yuri Kovalchuk, Putin's closest associate. Now it is under the control of Nomeko's own employees.

In three years, Putin's daughter Maria Vorontsova received 944 million rubles from the company Nomeko. Her only customer is Yuri Kovalchuk's company.

Putin's daughter received almost a billion rubles from oligarchs

January 15, 2024

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